Résultats de recherche

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«Baumrind (1966) a identifié trois types de contrôle parental: permissif, autoritaire et ferme (‘authoritative’). [...] La présente étude s’intéresse à l’ajustement psychologique des jeunes immigrants de deuxième génération au Québec, d’origine vietnamienne, et à sa relation avec les trois styles d’autorité parentale.» (p. 124)

Questions/Hypothèses :
«[N]ous faisons l’hypothèse que les jeunes Vietnamiens de Montréal attribueront un style autoritaire à leurs pères.» (p. 111)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
L’échantillon est constitué de 53 «jeunes Vietnamiens de 18 à 25 ans, presque tous nés au Québec.» (p. 124) Les participants habitent la région de Montréal.

Instruments :
Questionnaires

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse statistique

3. Résumé

Selon les auteurs, «Contrairement aux études antérieures, le père n’est plus l’autorité principale dans la famille vietnamienne à Montréal: les jeunes attribuent l’autorité parentale autant au père qu’à la mère. Le modèle culturel au Québec de l’égalité des rôles homme-femme semble avoir influencé la famille vietnamienne de Montréal. Plus l’autorité parentale de la mère ou du père est perçue comme ferme, plus le jeune perçoit un soutien parental élevé. Plus le jeune perçoit un soutien du père, moins il manifeste de symptômes de détresse. L’estime de soi du jeune dépend aussi du soutien perçu de la mère, mais aussi du père ainsi que d’un style paternel perçu comme permissif. La conscience que les deux parents offrent du soutien au jeune, que le père est permissif (ou même ferme) plutôt qu’autoritaire, contribue à une estime de soi plus élevée chez le jeune Vietnamien vivant à Montréal.» (p. 124)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«Le but de cette recherche est de rendre compte des processus ayant conduit à la réussite scolaire des jeunes d’origine haïtienne ayant traversé des situations de vie éprouvantes. [Plus particulièrement, cette thèse vise à] identifier les contextes de vie difficiles ayant conduit les jeunes à mobiliser des ressources pour réussir à l’école; identifier les principales composantes socioculturelles héritées et intériorisées et les caractéristiques de leur identité ayant contribué à leur réussite scolaire; identifier les différentes actions posées et orientées vers la réussite.» (p. xiv-xv)

Questions/Hypothèses :
La thèse tente de répondre à la question suivante: «[q]uels sont les processus de développement et de fonctionnement qui ont conduit à la réussite scolaire des jeunes issus de la deuxième génération de l’immigration haïtienne?» (p. 92)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
L’échantillon «était constitué de 16 jeunes québécois (12 femmes et 4 hommes) issus de la deuxième génération de l’immigration haïtienne, âgés entre 19 et 25 ans; l’âge moyen était de 22 ans. Au total, 13 participants sur 16 terminaient leur première année universitaire au moment de la collecte de données. Parmi ceux-ci, 12 étaient admis dans un programme universitaire de baccalauréat ou certificat spécifique, et un participant suivait des cours en tant qu’étudiant libre.» (p. 130) Ceux-ci ont été recrutés au sein de l’Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM).

Instruments :
Guide d’entretien semi-directif

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

«Les résultats ont montré que les obstacles rencontrés en milieu scolaire, la rigidité de la structure éducative familiale et la vulnérabilité de leur environnement familial correspondent à trois catégories de situations de vie qui ont été difficiles pour les jeunes. Ces situations ont été à l’origine d’une souffrance psychologique ayant menacé leur fonctionnement scolaire et aurait pu, par le fait même, les conduire à abandonner l’école dès le secondaire. Cependant, il en fut autrement. Les résultats indiquent que l’héritage socioculturel reçu et intériorisé par les sujets parvient à modifier l’effet des facteurs défavorables à la réussite scolaire, mobilisant ainsi chez le jeune un désir de transformer ces situations de vie en un catalyseur de succès à l’école.» (p. xv-xvi) Par exemple, pour «rendre hommage au rôle déterminant que leurs parents ont eu dans le processus de leur réussite scolaire, les jeunes de [l’]étude font davantage allusion à la transmission de certaines valeurs considérées comme étant favorables à leur succès. […] Parmi celles-ci, les valeurs accordées à la politesse et au respect des figures d’autorité transmises par leur milieu familial sont rapportées. […] Également, l’importance accordée au savoir, aux études et à la réussite sociale par les études est mise de l’avant par les parents et a servi de balise solide pour guider les jeunes tout au long de leur cheminement scolaire.» (p. 272)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«There are many factors affecting the decisions of students attending university. This research project specifically investigates the factors effecting the decisions made by second-generation South Asian Muslim women who grew up in Canada when attending higher education.» (p. 4)

Questions/Hypothèses :
«What factors do second-generation South Asian Muslim women consider when attending higher education? […] What social influences do growing up in the West have on second-generation South Asian Muslim women’s education, specifically regarding marriage and self-fulfillment? […] What influences do family and friends have on second-generation South Asian Muslim women when making such decisions? […] Do second-generation South Asian Muslim women face conflicts created by patriarchal values stemming from their South Asian backgrounds? If so, how do they resolve them?» (p. 12)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
«In total, fifteen second-generation South Asian Muslim women were recruited for the study […].» (p. 45) Les participantes ont été recrutées dans des cégeps et des universités de Montréal.

Instruments :
Guide d’entretien semi-directif

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

«From this study, it is evident that identity navigation is a complex process for second-generation South Asian Muslim women living in Canada. Most women take on different roles and identities depending on the situation they are facing, where they are physically located, and who they are conversing with. Societal expectations set by their culture and families, as well as their academic aspirations cause second-generation women to have varying identities depending on whether they are at home, at school or other professional settings. Overall, second-generation women receive support and encouragement from their families. However, lingering expectations stemming from their South Asian and Muslim backgrounds do create tensions regarding what programs they will complete, and how long they take to graduate. While it may appear that second-generation women are in full control of their identity navigation and educational decisions, their backgrounds still play a discrete role in their decisions. Although their parents want the best for them both in their academic and personal lives, parents are sometimes unable to let go of South Asian gender expectations which limit options for women. It is clear that second-generation women are less attached to the South Asian culture as compared to their first-generation parents. When second-generation South Asian women completely let go of their South Asian practices, it is as if they have let down their parents, since the main connection they have with their South Asian heritage is through their parents and family members.» (p. 102-103)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«In this chapter we discuss in which ways second- and third-generation descendants of Azorean immigrants living in Quebec engage in transnational practices and hence operate in transnational social spaces. We emphasize that being raised in a transnational social field (Glick Schiller et al. 1992; Levitt 2002, 2009) or within a transnational habitus (Vertovec 2010) leads to the development of an emotional attachment to an Azorean heritage. This process draws on the presence of an extended family network, dispersed between two or three countries, maintaining ties across national borders and thus favoring cultural intergenerational transmission and a multiple hybrid identity.» (p. 124)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
«The research has been conducted simultaneously in the homeland of the Azores and in the receiving community of Quebec […].» (p. 127) «This sample includes twenty-six Azorean migrants and fifty-four descendants of the 1.5, second, and third generations in Quebec (mostly in the Montreal metropolitan area), as well as thirty-four return migrants and thirteen nonmigrant relatives in the Azores (São Miguel Island).» (p. 127)

Instruments :
- Guide d’entretien semi-directif
- Grille d’observation

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

«We have shown that transnational spaces can persist long beyond the first generation and that descendants of immigrants can be as involved in these spaces as the original emigrating generation, although there are important differences from one individual to another. For some, transnational practices are regular, while for others, they are occasional and sporadic. However, as we have seen, the level of engagement in transnational activities can vary across the life span. Our study supports Levitt’s observations that growing up in a transnational family offers a partial explanation for the transnational practices of the second generation. As we noted, parents’ or grandparents’ involvement in transnational connections with their homeland and other geographic locations have profound effects on their children and grandchildren.» (p. 142) «Parents develop strategies for maintaining a transnational dimension to their children’s lives mainly through cultural maintenance within the family and participating in religious, cultural, social, or community events and celebrations where aspects of Portuguese culture are displayed. Some also maintain the centrality of their country of origin through frequent holiday visits, having a secondary residence in their hometown, or practicing intensive kinwork (with regular annual rituals, gatherings, meetings, or communications at distance).» (p. 142)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
« We will focus on the specific phenomenon of the passing on of entrepreneurial spirit from first to second generation among ethnocultural minorities in Montreal. » (p. 110)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
« We have conducted 11 interviews with young people aged 20 to 33 from ethnocultural minorities whose parents were first generation immigrants and who own or owned a business at some time during their lives in Canada. » (p. 110)

Instruments :
Guide d’entretien

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

« The results show how little impact the parents’ community of origin has on the potential development of entrepreneurial spirit in the second generation. Factors such as the nature of the relationship with founder and personal ambitions play a more significant role. » (p. 110)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
« In the case of second-generation Arab Canadians it is interesting to examine whether their ethnic self-concepts are sustained through ethnically based socialization processes, thus contributing to their incorporation into a shared ethnic culture, and integrated ethnic community. » (p. ix-x)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
« The target population for this study consists of Muslim and Christian students of Arab origin [250] from 5 selected cegeps in Greater Montreal. The students, whose parents had both migrated from an Arab country, were between seventeen and twenty-four years of age. The selected institutions were Cegep Saint-Laurent, Collège de Bois-de-Boulogne, Collège Ahuntsic, Collège Montmorency, and Vanier College. » (p. 42)

Instruments :
- Questionnaire
- Guide d’entretien non directif (entrevues en profondeur menées auprès de 16 personnes)

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse statistique et analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

« Paul Eid focuses on the experiences of students from five colleges in Montreal to explore how Muslim and Christian Arab-Canadian youth actually negotiate their ethnic and religious identities. Paying close attention to the views of second generation Arab-Canadians about prejudice and discrimination in Canadian Society, Eid finds that while the Arab youth generally feel accepted, they also downplay their Arab background to ward off anticipated prejudice. He analyses the extent to which social and cultural practises are structured along ethnic and religious lines and also considers the influence of parental socialization, gender-related traditionalism, and perceived discrimination and stereotyping on Arab-Candian youth. » (quatrième de couverture) The section parental commitment to ethnic identity transmission « [...] examines how respondents perceive, and relate to, strategies, attitudes, and behaviours (conscious or unconscious) aimed at ethnocultural identity transmission. » (p. 93)

1. Objectifs

Intentions :
« This research focuses on the relationship between ethnic and religious identity retention processes among second-generation Christian and Muslim Arab youths attending Cegep in the Greater Montreal area. Special attention will be paid to the influence of three socio-cultural factors on both processes: 1) parental socialization, 2) traditionalism regarding gender relationships, 3) self-experienced discrimation, and perceived stereotyping. » (p. 1)

Questions/Hypothèses :
« 1) The external (or behavioural) aspects of Arab-Canadian youths’ ethnic and religious identities are significantly less developed than their internal (or subjective) aspects. In other terms, Arab adolescents have developed a rather symbolic ethnicity as a result of socio-cultural incorporation.
2) The more the respondents’ parents have attempted to transmit their ethnic identity and culture, the more their children will have maintained their own ethnic identity and culture.
3) The more respondents’ parents have retained their religious identity and culture, the more their children will have maintained their own religious identity and culture.
4) There is a positive correlation between ethnic and religious identity retention processes.
5) The more respondents endorse traditional gender role models, the more they are likely to retain their ethnic identity.
6) The more respondents endorse traditional gender role models, the more they are likely to retain their religious identity.
7) More parental control is exerted on females than on males.
8) Girls more than boys feel they are subjected to excessive parental control.
9) The more youngsters report having personnaly experienced discrimination in Canadian society as Arab-origin individuals, the more they are likely to retain their ethnic and religious identities (question relating to discrimination).
10) The more youngsters consider that the host society harbour negative stereotypes against their ethno-religious group, the more they are likely to retain their ethnic and religious identities (question relating to prejudicial stereotyping). » (p. 63)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
« The target population for this research is Muslim and Christian students of Arab origin [250] from 5 selected Cegeps of the Greater Montreal, aged between 17 and 24 years old, and whose both parents migrated from an Arab country. The sampled Cegeps were selected on the basis of their high concentration of Arab students. The 5 selected institutions are Cegep Saint-Laurent, Cegep Bois-de-Boulogne, Cegep Ahuntsic, Cegep Mont-Morency, and Vanier College. » (p. 64)

Instruments :
« The methods used in this research will be, first, quantitative analysis based on a sample of 250 respondents of Arab origin attending Cegep in Montreal. These respondents were asked to fill out a questionnaire comprised of 85 multiple choice questions. If quantitative methods are of much help to measure the intensity of one’s attachment to any given identity category, they fall short of tapping into the various motives and meanings underlying the actor’s identity choices and strategies. Thus, the quantitative information provided by the questionnaires were complemented by a series of approximately 16 in-depth and non-directive interviews conducted with subjects selected among our 250 respondents. » (p. 64)
Type de traitement des données :
Analyse statistique et analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

« Employing a non-random sample survey and in-depth interview, I explore the relationship between ethnic and religious identity retention among Arab-origin students from five Cegeps in Montreal. Being non-random, this sample is not representative of the whole population of Arab-origin Cegep students in Montreal. Special attention is paid to the influence of three socio-cultural factors: parental socialization, gender-related traditionalism, and perceived discrimination and stereotyping.
I examine how group boundaries among the second generation emerge from reappropriations of pre-fabricated ethnic labels and identities. Although these youths identify strongly with their ethnic culture and community, nonetheless, they fail to show matching levels of enmeshment in ethnic-based socialization networks. While it may be argued that a symbolic ethnicity is well underway among these second-generationers, I discovered that a symbolic religiosity was even more prevalent. Indeed, religion is more experienced by these youths as a group boundary marker, than as a binding frame of religious prescriptions and rituals. In any case, the data strongly suggest that religion and ethnicity are intertwined within these youths’ identity structure. This connection reflects the refocusing of national Great narratives, in the postcolonial Arab world, on religious symbolism and rhetoric.
Female conduct and sexuality also proved to be a primary locus of ethno-religious identity. However, traditional gender relationships come to be highly problematized as part of these youths’ identity building strategies. Furthermore, females are more likely than males to critically engage traditional gender roles.
Also, these Arab youths generally feel well accepted by Canadians in their personal life. However, they often downplay the Arab component of their identity as a way to ward off prejudice and discrimination. As well, there is a strong perception among these youths that Canadian people and media have a very low regard for Arab and/or Muslim culture.
Finally, because Canadians lump all Arab groups together, these second-generationers largely come to identify themselves as Arabs. However, the adoption of transnational Arab identity presupposes the subversion of the Western-made derogatory significations attached to it. Yet, outside labelling exerts ’symbolic violence’ on these youths, which leads some, especially Christians, to reject the Arab label, deemed socially compromising. » (pp. ii-iii)