1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«The overarching aim of this thesis is to investigate the material and moral consequences that arose from mandating altruistic exchanges for eggs.» (p. 26)

Questions/Hypothèses :
«The following related research questions guided [this] dissertation: […] How do various stakeholders including physicians, nurses, counselors, lawyers, and recipients respond to a law that restricts the practice of egg donation? […] How does the AHRA [Assisted Human Reproduction Act] shape the moral economy of egg donation? What is the effect on the organization structure of egg donation in Canada and abroad? Does the presence of other laws (i.e., the Spanish and the Czech law) within a global system of egg donation create different moral consequences? […] What are the organizational and institutional factors that allow for the purchasing of eggs within Canada and abroad?» (p. 26-27)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
To triangulate the data, the author interviewed professionals who provided recipients with care and the recipients themselves. Overall, 74 fertility care practitioners participated in this study. There was also «20 fertility patients who were going through the process of egg donation or had previously been through egg donation.» (p. 70) «While most women (n=14) only underwent one egg donor cycle, three women underwent two donor cycles and three women underwent three egg donor cycles.» (p. 72)

Instruments :
Guide d’entretien semi-directif

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

«Overall, this study explicates how regulations can affect the type of care individuals receive. Although the AHRA may not prevent the commercialization of egg donation, it does affect where and how Canadian women receive donor eggs. […] This study of international fertility clinics, therefore, also sheds light on how regulations can also serve to limit market actions without necessarily curtailing them. While some may argue against the marketization of eggs because of the presumed moral superiority of altruistic (rather than market) exchanges […], [this] research adds to the body of work that shows how altruistic exchanges can be also embedded within power relationships that challenge ethical values of consent and autonomy […]. From [this] research, three interrelated findings emerge. [Firstly, despite] restrictions placed on Canadian medical practices, Canadian medical professionals were able to use their professional authority to maintain control over the egg donation process.» (p. 163-164) Secondly, although «the Canadian system attempted to restrict the commercialization and commodification of donor eggs, the commercialization and commodification of eggs continues to exist, partially due to the global market for donor eggs.» (p. 164) Thirdly, in «the global market for donor eggs, countries which have liberal legislation attract patients to their clinics through specific strategies in action that signal to their potential clients that they will receive high-tech and safe medical care.» (p. 165)