1. Objectifs

Intentions :
«L’objectif de cette recherche est d’explorer comment les solidarités familiales, en particulier autour des parents vieillissants, se concrétisent dans les familles immigrantes chinoises. Ces solidarités familiales renvoient à un double contexte dont il faut tenir compte et qui constitue la spécificité de notre objet de recherche, à savoir celui de la migration internationale d’une part et de la politique de l’enfant unique en Chine, d’autre part.» (p. ii)

Questions/Hypothèses :
«[T]he main research question of this thesis is: ''How is familial solidarity materialized in Chinese immigrant families in the dual-context of international migration and the one-child policy in China?''.» The two sub-questions are the following: «''How are migration decisions made by Chinese immigrants in Canada, especially considering the normative need to fulfill familial obligations?'' […] ''How and by what means if [sic] familial solidarity in Chinese immigrant families materialized in the context of international migration?''» (p. 36)

2. Méthode

Échantillon/Matériau :
L’échantillon est composé de 14 participants résidant à Montréal. «Le statut d’être immigrant, la catégorie d’immigration, être enfant unique ou non, et le sexe sont choisis comme des critères de sélection.» (p. ii)

Instruments :
Guide d’entretien semi-directif

Type de traitement des données :
Analyse de contenu

3. Résumé

«The results show that the different level of development between China and Canada is the core-motivating factor of migration between these two countries. The over-sized population, the complicated relationship in the job market, and the high-level of pollution are considered as “push” factors that drive people to emigrate from China. As for Canada, its “pull” factors are education, relatively simple relationship in job market, good environment, and its relatively welcoming immigration policy. The results also show that Chinese immigrants depend a lot on associative and functional solidarity while enacting transnational solidarity. Transnational communication and return visits are two important dimensions of associative solidarity. However, the method and the frequency of such a communication varies from person to person, which is strongly related to normative solidarity and affective solidarity with non-migrant parents. As for functional solidarity, it is usually manifested by financial exchange, grandparenting, and elderly care. However, Chinese immigrants have to compromise somehow while enacting functional solidarity because of the limited capacity determined by the two context of this study, namely international migration and the one-child policy.» (p. i)