Effects of Juvenile Court Exposure on Crime in Young Adulthood
Référence bibliographique 
Petitclerc, Amélie, Gatti, Uberto, Vitaro, Frank et Tremblay, Richard E. 2013. «Effects of Juvenile Court Exposure on Crime in Young Adulthood ». Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, vol. 54, no 3, p. 291-297.
Intentions : «This study aimed to assess the effect of juvenile justice system processing under the Canadian Young Offenders’ Act.» (p. 291)
Échantillon/Matériau : «The 401 participants whose data were used in this study came from an original sample of 1,037 boys recruited from schools located in low-socioeconomic areas of Montreal (Canada), in 1984 […] The current study focused on two groups of participants, the ‘exposed’ group, who were brought to juvenile court between ages 12 and 17, and the ‘potential control’ group, who were arrested by the police during the same age period, but were never brought to court. Of the 1,037 boys from the original sample, 176 (17%) had at least one juvenile court appearance and formed the ‘exposed’ group. […] The ‘potential control’ group included 225 participants who reported having ‘been arrested and taken to the police station’ at least once between ages 12 and 17, but were never brought to court.» (p. 292)
Instruments : Questionnaires
Type de traitement des données : Analyse statistique
«This study is the first propensity score matching evaluation of the juvenile justice system’s effects into adulthood. It contributes to knowledge about the overall effectiveness of juvenile court interventions as they are implemented in ‘real world’ conditions […]. Our results indicate that they fail to prevent adult criminal involvement and may instead increase the likelihood of violent and nonviolent crimes, thus increasing suffering, and raising justice, health, and social costs […].» (p. 296) Afin de dresser le ‘score de propension des participants les auteurs utilisent plusieurs variables relatives à la famille: l’âge de la mère lorsqu’elle a eu son premier enfant, le niveau d’éducation parentale, le revenu des parents, le statut marital et la présence ou non d’accusation pour un crime commis par un parent. Ces données permettent aux chercheurs d’établir le score de propension afin de mesurer la probabilité des participants à commettre des crimes. Par exemple, des données révèlent que la présence de parents accusés d’un crime ou divorcés augmente les chances que l’adolescent commette des délits criminels.
Gatti, Uberto, Tremblay, Richard E. et Schadee, Hans. 2007. «Civic Community and Violent Behavior in Italy ». Aggressive Behavior, vol. 33, no 1, p. 56-62.
Intentions : « The aim of our study was to examine the distribution of homicide and robbery among the 95 Italian provinces and to evaluate the impact of one particular feature of the community, civicness, on these serious forms of violent crime behavior, while controlling for important socioeconomic variables. » (p. 57)
Échantillon/Matériau : « Italy is divided into 20 administrative Regions, which are subdivided into 95 provinces. For each of the provinces we considered two variables which are taken to be indicators of aggressive behavior. These are: (1) the total number of homicides reported per 100,000 inhabitants; (2) the total number of robberies per 100,000 inhabitants. For the two variables, we used an average of the figures for the years 1992–1995. The data were obtained from judiciary statistics, as published by the National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT). » (p. 57)
Type de traitement des données : Analyse statistique
« The predictive patterns were somewhat different for homicide and robbery, but in each case civicness interacted with territorial variables. In the case of homicide, civicness had a preventive impact only in the southern provinces. For robbery, the protective impact was limited to provinces which were urbanized and had large metropolitan areas. These results indicate that civicness has a protective impact only in areas where each of the two types of crimes are most frequent. Homicide is more frequent in the southern provinces while robbery is more frequent in large cities and in highly urbanized areas. In territories where there is a high risk of homicide or robbery, high-level civicness appears to reduce the risk. Different mechanisms could explain this phenomenon. [...] The association between unemployment and violent crimes observed among the Italian provinces confirms many previous studies which found a criminogenic effect of unemployment [...], poverty [...], and inequality [...]. Results concerning the association between violent crimes and the rate of family break up among the provinces also confirm previous studies. [...] We used a measure of the state of community life in the Italian provinces to predict rates of homicide and burglary. Our multiple regression models predicted a large part of the variance among the provinces for both types of violent crimes. [...] Our results indicate that both the integrity of the family and the quality and quantity of community social relationships are important to prevent violent crimes. They suggest that individual violent tendencies can be counterbalanced by the quality of the social relationships in a community. » (p. 61)
Gatti, Uberto et Tremblay, Richard E. 2005. «Social Capital and Physical Violence». Dans Developmental Origins of Aggression , sous la dir. de Richard E. Tremblay, Hartup, W. W. et Archer, J., p. 398-419. New York (États-Unis): Guilford Press.
Intentions : « The aim of this chapter is to review the litterature on the effects of social environments on the development of physical aggression. » (p. 398)
Questions/Hypothèses : We « [...] hypothesis that, in general, social capital at the microsocial level acts primarily in the early years of life, and at the macrosocial level, its effects are chiefly felt during adulthood. » (p. 399)
Type de traitement des données : Analyse de contenu
This chapter is about social capital defined « [...] as interpersonal relationship that facilitate action [...]. Social capital therefore represents an aspect of social reality that individuals (or groups) utilize as a resource in order to further their own interests and to achieve goals that would otherwise be beyond their reach [...]. » (pp. 398-399) « The notion that social capital is linked to the development of children has been argued especially by Coleman (1990), who draws a distinction between social capital within the family and outside the family. [...] By setting the developmental phases against the greater or lesser breadth of the context in which the effect is felt, we created a classification for our analysis of the effects of social capital. » (p. 399) « From the developmental standpoint, several empirical studies have demonstrated that both familial and extrafamilial social capital have an effect, even in the long term, on children’s adjustment, on academic results and socioeconomic success [...], and on health and well-being [...]. We have seen that the development of children and young people can be influenced by the quality of relationships within the family, at school, and among peers, and by the characteristics of the communities and regional environments in which he lives. [...] In addition to its multidimensional character, the developmental aspect of social capital should also be considered, by examining how the loss or acquisition of a given form of social capital during the course of the individual’s life might influence engagement in aggressive behavior. [...] Family social capital and the relationship resources offered by the child welfare system chiefly act during early childhood to middle childhood, when learning to regulate physical aggression appears to be at its peak. » (p. 417)